Le rapport « Foreign Aid, Trade and Development » réalisé par The Swedish Institute of International Affairs et Stockholm University est téléchargeable au format PDF ici
Ce rapport (en anglais) « parle » de la présence stratégique de la Chine, du Japon et de la Corée en Afrique Sub-Saharienne…
Extrait des deux dernières pages de la transcription (en anglais)
From actors in the global South such as India, China and Brazil, a contribution to local employment, tax revenues, education and capacity building, sustainable development –and most of all – transparency in the economic affairs conducted between the states involved. To further promote principles of good governance, it may become necessary for Western governments to return to the agenda of the Paris declaration in order to avoid further «balkanization of the Western aid agenda.” The splintering effects currently under way are a non-starter if there is to be any serious engagement with the Chinese government on development cooperation in Africa. Japan’s ambassador in Mozambique hinted at longstanding differences of opinion within the established donor community of countries: The Europeans and the EU always want us to do more about corruption – thinking we have double standards in talking about good governance, yet supporting our companies under the table. We are more pragmatic than European partners in terms of good governance. If civil societies in sub-Saharan Africa face a more difficult time due to indirect Chinese involvement in local economic and political affairs in the future, Western financial support may have to increase, even if this runs the risk of being viewed as supporting enemies of the local state, and de facto contributing to a brain-drain of talented people from industry to higher paid jobs in the non-profit NGO-sector. As China becomes more involved in the economies of African countries, its policy of non-interference in the political affairs of other countries will be difficult to adhere to in practice. It could be argued that for a rising authoritarian-capitalist power such as China, the principle of non-intervention is preferable to an interventionist approach. On strictly Author interview, Maputo, 8 December 2010.
Moral and humanitarian grounds, however, the trend to protect human rights has been consistently going in the other direction. The principle of the “responsibility to protect” is now part and parcel of approaches to global and regional governance, as witnessed by statements and documents issued by both the United Nations and the African Union. New alternatives to Western ODA have arrived on Africa’s shore, and the decades-long dependency on Western aid is diminishing – albeit at a slower pace than might be deduced from newspaper articles. Compared with ODA from the EU, Japan and the United States, Chinese foreign aid and South Korean ODA are still small. EU development assistance and aid in particular will continue to be important for many years to come. The loan component is much more important than the aid part of the economic cooperation of China and other Asian countries, because it contains the risk of resulting in a new vicious cycle of foreign debt. China’s much touted expansion into Africa is arguably by far the most important development in the foreign relations of African countries since the fall of the Berlin wall, and perhaps even since they gained their independence. In the long term, bilateral and international political loyalties and security-related cooperation will surely be affected too. China, and to some extent India, will have a particularly large impact on the future of Africa – and on the continent’s position in the multipolar world order of the coming decades.